17 people attended. Apologies from Basia Mindewicz. Sally
Wainwright facilitated.
Alys Munford from Engender spoke. This was followed
by general questions and then three breakout groups, which discussed the issues
raised.
1. Talk given by Alys Mumford (Engender)
·
As a charity, Engender
was advised it couldn't take a position on independence, as theoretically
women's equality is possible under any constitutional arrangement. We created
space for women to discuss the possibilities for women's equality of
independence and the status quo. Fair to say that most feminists and feminist
organisations were excited about some of the possibilities of independence,
including the space to imagine new institutions, policies, and ways for women
to participate in building a new nation.
·
We were disappointed
by the way that gender and women were missing or underrepresented in many of
the conversations about independence. "Eat Your Cereal" was probably
the worst example of messaging to women, but so much of the discussion just
seemed to assume that women weren't involved, or had exactly the same
experience of life in Scotland as men. It shouldn't have been necessary for
Women for Independence to exist, but we're glad they did. Since indyref, it's
been disappointing to see the extent to which anti-feminist men's voices have
dominated some pro-indy spaces.
·
Across the world,
women are more likely to vote for political parties that are 'progressive'.
Although there didn't end up being much of a gender gap in voting in in indyref
- for a while it seemed like women were much less keen on independence - in
theory there may be a lot of the women's vote that just hasn't been activated
by a progressive pro-indy campaign.
·
Engender advocates for
change in Scotland now, under the current constitutional arrangements, but
there are so many possibilities to extend that work in a new state. We would
want to see:
- - a constitution that enshrined women's human rights, economic and social rights, and rights for disabled people, LGBTI, black and ME people, children, and incorporated all of the international human rights treaties that independent Scotland would be a party to;
- - a constitution that enshrined women's human rights, economic and social rights, and rights for disabled people, LGBTI, black and ME people, children, and incorporated all of the international human rights treaties that independent Scotland would be a party to;
- an economic system and economic institutions
that measured our wellbeing
by counting things beyond GDP,
particularly the unpaid work
(principally done by women) of caring, and domestic and eproductive labour;
- Scotland's institutions and legislature
represent Scotland's people, including
women; using quotas to kickstart equality and shift cultures;
·
The independence
project is one that is about hope rather than fear. It's vital that we use the
powers that we have to make change now, to enable people to continue to imagine
the possibilities that independence might create. It's vital that the people of
Scotland are involved now in shaping our use of the new powers that have come
through the Scotland Act. Rhetoric around dignity and fairness must be matched
by action to redistribute power, resources, and safety from men to women; from
those that have too much to those that don't.
Specific issues which are vital for women in Scotland in the coming years:
Abortion
This is a real test for Scotland and a chance for bold policy to talk about what sort of a nation Scotland wants to be. Abortion is currently criminalised in the UK, and the devolution of abortion law means that the Scottish Government has the power to decriminalise abortion and remove paternalistic measures life the 2 doctor rule.
Currently provision in Scotland is poor – women seeking an abortion after 18 weeks are routinely forced to travel to England for the procedure.
This is an international issue (Ohio ‘heartbeat law’, Poland’s draconian laws etc) and Scotland can be at the forefront of showing solidarity.
Social Security
86% of the ‘savings’ made from
social security cuts will come from women’s incomes. Some powers over social
security have been devolved and, again, it is an opportunity for the Scottish
Government to diverge from the path set out by Westminster and use the powers
they have to advance women’s equality now. A key issue for women’s equality is
in individual payments of Universal Credit – continuing to offer only household
payments undermines equality and women’s financial autonomy.
Women’s representation
While we have lots of high profile women politicians – leader of SNP, Labour, Conservatives and the co-convener of the Greens – this masks that we have serious overrepresentation of men in politics and public life. 35% MSPs and only 24% local councillors are women. If Scotland had power over equalities law, we could introduce legal parliamentary quotas.
While these are some key issues which will dominate discussions about women’s equality over the coming 5 years, every political issue in Scotland is gendered, from taxation to defence. We must make sure all discussions including women’s voices, not just those around ‘women’s issues’. Campaign groups must work towards equality with the powers Scotland currently has, as well as preparing for any potential constitutional changes in future.
The
Engender website (https://www.engender.org.uk) also provides access to latest
publications.
1. General
points
More
emphasis needs to made on the powers Holyrood already has.
More
campaigns focussed on Holyrood to ensure these powers are used.
Educational
campaign to argue against financial short-termism used to make so many cuts and point out their
greater long-term financial consequences.
RIC should
be emphasising that Another Scotland Is Possible now, as part of its campaigning.
2. Austerity
and cuts have a disproportionate effect on women.
Need for detailed
information on who is affected.
Give more
teeth to equalities measures, including an evaluation of Scottish government's gender edit.
End 1%
limit on public sector pay awards.
3. Destigmatise
social security.
Default
payments of Universal Credit should be to individuals.
Weekly
payments are often better than monthly payments.
Universal
Citizens Income as replacement for means tested benefits, also paid directly to parents who stay at home to
rear children.
More
progressive taxation.
4. Nursery
provision remains very expensive.
Move
towards free nursery provision.
5. Later start
for formal education.
End testing
obsession in schools.
Pursue a
gendered education strategy.
Improves
sex education - not all teachers are qualified, should be part of their training.
. Involve Tie
for Inclusive Education (TIE) to be involved.
College
cuts have a disproportionate effect on women.
6. Update the
abortion right.
Provide
free contraception.
7. Challenging
intimidation and violence against women (and LBGT individuals) with better representation in public
space.
Ring fence
funding for women's refuges.
Prostitution
- disagreement on the best model to pursue, although Nordic model was raised. This criminalises paying for
sex.
8. Reform
support for survivors of childhood sexual abuse (better consultation with survivors' and other support
organisations.
9. Need for
people focussed rather than just work focussed public transport.
10. Land reform
could benefit women too.
____________
HOW FAR HAVE WE GOT?
The longer term aims were compared to the demands first
raised by the Womens Liberation Movement and the Working Womens Charter.
A. THE SEVEN DEMANDS OF THE
WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENT UK (1971-8)
(National Women's Liberation Conference, 1971)
1 – Equal pay now
2 – Equal education and job
opportunities
3 – Free contraception and
abortion on demand
4 – Free 24hr nurseries
(National Women’s Liberation Conference, 1975)
5 – Financial and legal
independence
6 – An end to all
discrimination against lesbians and a woman’s right to define her own sexuality
(the last - so far - …National Women’s Liberation Conference, 1978)
7 – Freedom from intimidation
by threat or use of violence or sexual coercion, regardless of marital status
and an end to all laws, assumptions and institutions
which perpetuate male dominance and men’s aggression towards women.
B. WORKING WOMENS CHARTER (1974)
1. The rate for
the job, regardless of sex, at rated negotiated by trade unions, with a national minimum wage below which no wage
should fall.
2. Equal
opportunity of entry into occupations and in promotion, regardless of sex or marital status.
3. Equal education
and training for all occupations and compulsory day-releasefor all 16-18 year olds in employment.
4. Working
conditions to be without deterioration of previous conditions, the same for men as for women.
5. The removal
of all legal and bureaucratic impediments to equality, e.g. with regard to tenancies. mortgages,
pension schemes, taxation, passports, control
over children, social security payments, hire purchase agreements .
6. Improved
provision of local authority day nurseries, free of charge with extended hours to suit working mothers.
Provision of nursery classes within
day nurseries. More nursery schools.
7. 18 weeks
maternity leave with full net pay before and after birth of a live child. 7 weeks after birth of the child is
stillborn. No dismissal during pregnancy
or maternity leave. No loss of security or promotion rights.
8. Family
planning clinics providing free contraception to be extended to cover every locality. Free abortion to be
readily available.
9. Family
allowances to be increased to £2.50 per child, including the first child.
10. To campaign
amongst women to take an active part in the trade unions and in political life so they exercise influence
commensurate with their numbers and to
campaign amongst men trade unionists that they may work to achieve this aim.
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