Gary Fraser, Trade Unionists for Independence, 17.3.14
Gary is a member of Trade Unionists for Independence, the
East Lothian ‘Yes’ campaign and UNISON Midlothian branch.
He highlighted the questions posed by Gregor Gall in his Scotland the Brave? Does support for
independence mean you are a nationalist and does it mean the abandonment of
class politics? Gary was going to argue that it doesn’t.
However, before going on to show this, Gary wanted to pay
tribute to Bob Crow and Tony Benn. Bob Crow had been a real class fighter
dedicated to fighting for his members. Tony Benn had been an inspirational
socialist.
Gary works part of the week for Midlothian Council and part
of the week at Edinburgh University doing research into a group of workers in
the public sector.
Gary argued that workers in the public sector have worked
under the threat of job losses since Tory/Lib Dem Coalition came to power in
2010.
Local authorities across Scotland face financial shortfalls
in their budget which are being delayed until after the referendum. Gary
brought this up, because, he made the point that if Scotland were to vote ‘No’,
this would be taken as a signal by the government to impose more cuts and
intensify their austerity drive.
The referendum, Gary argued, provided an opportunity on how
to rethink local government in Scotland. Back in 2001, Tony Benn had talked of
the ‘corruption of power’, but also the ‘corruption of powerlessness’. Any
effective democracy has been removed from the institutions of the UK state,
leading many to feel powerless. A ‘Yes’ vote represents an increase in people’s
aspirations; a ‘No’ vote reflects this feeling of powerlessness and lack of
self-esteem. Furthermore, a ‘Yes’ vote could also widen the gulf between the SNP,
which has taken on board much of the British neo-liberal agenda, and those who
see independence as a possibility to create a better society.
The official trade union movement has been very quiet. At
best, it has been ambiguous over the issue of Scottish independence.
Yet an independent Scotland would be one that is free of the
Tories. The Tories have used the power of the UK state to transform Scotland in
an economic direction opposed to the desires of the people of Scotland. They
have no mandate in Scotland.
This is the major reason why Gary supports independence. He
does not see it as a nationalist issue, but a democratic issue. Scottish
national identity is civic not an ethnic.
If Scotland voted ‘Yes’ it will get a government it voted for.
There is no great difference between the social attitudes of people in Scotland
and of England. But there is a considerable difference in the political culture
which in Scotland is left of centre.
The issue of class is important. Gary considers himself to be
a Marxist but a Marxist of sorts. George Galloway has said there is no real
difference between a bus driver in Bradford and one in Kilmarnock. However,
that reasoning extends to bus drivers anywhere in the world. This is true. But
Gary argued, that whilst there is certainly a conflict between capital and
labour, there is also a conflict between capital and democracy. Scottish
independence is about extending democracy.
Gary also noted that trade unions can take action across
national boundaries. Gregor Gall in Scotland the Brave? emphasised the
importance of oppositional conscious as the important factor, compared to the
size and extent of formal trade union organisation.
The key features of the post-1945 social democratic
settlement, the NHS and universal benefits are under threat from the UK state,
not from the ‘Yes’ campaign.
Gary also noted that there are very real material reasons for
the current lack of trade union fight back. One example he gave is the issue of
debt. If you take a partnership of two graduates, they start out in life
together by owing £30,000 to pay off loans, then they have to take out a
mortgage, which means are immediately £200,000 in debt. Many workers are in low
paid or temporary jobs. They are often not members of trade unions.
There is now a much wider battle for democracy against the
power of global capital. Traditionally, many on the left have seen larger
states as being more effective in winning concessions. But you could also argue
that in smaller states, such as Scotland there is a closer relationship between
civic society and Scotland.
Gary finished his speech by saying that the arguments put
forward by no-leftists, all end up back at the cul-de-sac of voting Labour.
Gary warned against this and effectively argued that Labour could no longer be
re-claimed for the left.
Independence provides us with a new opportunity. Getting
political power can change things. The changes we want will not be brought
about by the SNP, wedded as it is to neo-liberalism. The Left must not get
seduced by having a position on the official Yes’ top table.
Gary concluded by arguing that if we want to see the types of
policies advocated by RIC and by TUFI that there is a serious need to have a
strategic discussion about the future of the left.
Discussion
Andy said that we
had a wider problem than the Tories. There were many in RIC who accepted social
democratic politics. Robin McAlpine and Common Weal have been to the forefront
of pushing such politics, hoping to alter the political course of either the
SNP or Labour. Robin sees RIC as part of this plan. However, Robin is opposed
to ending the anti-trade union laws in Scotland, believing the days of conflict
politics are over!
Stuart asked why
do the trade unions take the stance they do?
Pat had spoken at
an Edinburgh PCS meeting in favour of a ‘Yes’ vote, arguing against a Labour
MSP, who favours a ‘No’ vote. However, a ‘Yes’ campaigner argued for taking a
neutral position, rather than dividing the union over the issue.
STUC events have been very low key. They too don’t seem to
want to be too committed to one side or another, leaving them in a position to
take advantage of either a ‘No’ or a ‘Yes’ vote.
Willie said that
most unions were based on a relationship with an employer, rather than a
relationship with the state. Willie had been on UNITE’s Regional Committee and
its National Finance & General Purposes Committee. They had conducted a
survey after the SNP 2011 election victory. They had found that 45% of the union’s
members had voted SNP. This was one reason why they had not taken a position
over the independence referendum. They did not want a split membership, and
they wanted to leave their future options open.
However, this doesn't debar trade unionists from promoting
debates within the unions. There is also the possibility of organising factory
gate and canteen meetings. This had happened in the past, when Willie had
worked at Parsons Peebles.
We also had to look at the possibilities for wider Left
regroupment. What would happen to the left of the SNP and Labour Party after a
‘Yes’ vote? What would the revolutionary Left do? And would the new
opportunities attract those not currently in any party?
Ian asked if the
STUC would be ready to face the situation when power is concentrated in
Holyrood?
Allan took up
Andy’s theme, He pointed out there had been no successful social democratic or
official communist one-party state road to socialism. All countries where these
roads had been attempted had retreated into neo-liberalism. This was because
the reforms which social democracy could bring when the economy was in an
upturn, could not be extended when the economy faced a crisis. And, the global
economy is likely to face a multi-faceted crisis for many a year. Former social
democrats and official communists are to the forefront of taking apart welfare
reforms, since they believe you have to revive capitalism before there can be
any improvements.
What had always been missing in social democratic and
official communist projects was the development of meaningful democracy and
independent class organisation, which could act as a countervailing force to
that of the corporations and the state. Instead power became concentrated in a
self-serving bureaucracy, with very different interests.
Gary had talked about the importance of democracy. However,
the SNP government sees its mandate coming from the devolved institutions of
the UK state, not the people of Scotland. Thus, after any ‘Yes’ vote on
September 18th, it was going to take Labour, Lib-Dem and Tory MSPs
into its negotiating team with the UK government. Their starting point is
‘Independence-Lite’ with it acceptance of NATO, the City of London and the
monarchy, so where will they end up?!
Jim Sillars and Tariq Ali had already raised the issue of the
need for a National Convention immediately after September 18th. If
the fruits of any victory are not going to be snatched away from us, we have to
see a ‘Yes’ vote as a democratic mandate for a complete break from the UK
state. This means moving towards a Constitutional Convention, which empowers,
not the existing UK state devolved MSP’s, but the people of Scotland.
Annie suggested
that there should be debate with Common Weal. Salmond was walking a tightrope,
trying to appeal to both Left and Right. The time when the SNP could be
challenged was the 2016 election.
Pat asked, ‘What
is RIC?’ We offer a real alternative. A Common Weal speaker had already
addressed an Edinburgh RIC meeting. He was surprised to find himself
challenged. RIC is offering different ways of organising, not only bringing
together much of the left, but also involving those who had not been involved
in politics before.
Gary praised
‘Common Weal’. However, it was merely a think tank. It was good to have a Left
think tank, whne most were on the Right. However, its limitations lay in its
desire to push the SNP or Labour to the Left. Think-tanks don’t involved the
mass of the people.
Gary wasn’t sure what the STUC would do after independence.
50,000 public sector jobs have already gone without a fightback. Members would
also be divided, whatever the result,
The SNP’s ‘Yes’ campaign reminded Gary of Obama’s ‘”Yes We
Can’ campaign. There are gaping wholes in the SNP’s analysis. The Left should
to fill that gap.
Jane talked of the
Popular Education Forum, which had organised weekend schools and local forums
where political issues could be discussed.
Network of political activists need to be brought together with a
similar educational project in mind to promote discussions on independence.
Andy said we need
a coalition after independence. However, we needed to show our own relevance.
This meant RIC needed to organise bigger actions to win the right to be
listened to in future.
Kenny pointed out
that Bob Crow’s activist trade unionisn had increased the RMT’s membership.
Willy said that if
you were prepared to really take on the bosses you could win. There had just
been a victory in the Edinburgh Colleges dispute. Led by Left trade unionists.
Willy has been to the Peoples Assembly meeting in Glasgow. It
was dominated by the top table, and had an ageing composition, but included
many trade union activists.
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